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Contributors
Daniel Pipes- Contributor
Daniel
Pipes is director of the Middle
East Forum, a member of the
presidentially-appointed board of the U.S.
Institute of Peace,
and a prize-winning columnist for the New York Sun and The
Jerusalem Post. His most recent book, Miniatures:
Views of Islamic and Middle Eastern Politics (Transaction
Publishers) appeared in late 2003. His website, DanielPipes.org,
the single most accessed source of information specifically
on
the Middle East and Islam, offers an archive and a chance
to sign-up to receive his new materials as they appear. [go
to Pipes index]
Which
Privileges for Islam?
Demanding special privileges...
[Daniel Pipes] 3/17/05
Throughout
the West, Muslims are making new and assertive demands, and
in some cases challenging
the very premises of European and North American life.
How to respond?
Here is a
general rule: Offer full rights but turn down demands for
special privileges.
By way of
example, note two current Canadian controversies. The first
concerns the establishment of voluntary Shariah
(Islamic law) courts in Ontario. This idea is promoted
by the usual Islamist groups, such as the Council
on American-Islamic Relations-Canada and the Canadian
Islamic Congress. It is most prominently opposed by Muslim
women's groups, led by Homa
Arjomand, who fear that the Islamic courts, despite their
voluntary nature, will be used to repress women's rights.
I oppose
any role for Shariah, a medieval body of law, in public life
today, but as long as women are truly not coerced (create an
ombudsman to ensure this?) and Islamic
rulings remain subordinate to Canada's Charter of Rights and
Freedoms, I see no grounds on which to deny Muslims the
right, like other Canadians, to revert to private arbitration.
On the other
hand, Muslim
demands for an exclusive prayer room at McGill University in
Montreal are outrageous and unacceptable. As a secular institution,
the university on principle does
not provide any religious group with a permanent place
of worship on campus. Despite this universal policy, the Muslim
Student Association, a part of the Wahhabi lobby, insists on
just such a place, even threatening
a human rights abuse filing if it is defied. McGill must
stand firm.
The key distinction
is whether Muslim aspirations fit into an existing framework
or not. Where they do, they can be accommodated, such as in
the case of:
Adherents
of other minority religions may get a holiday off, wear beards,
or dispose of their dead in private burial grounds so why
not Muslims?
In contrast,
special privileges for Islam and Muslims are unacceptable,
such as:
The dividing
line in each instance is whether Muslims accept to fit the
existing order or aspire to remake it. Working within the system
is fine, taking it over is not. In American terms, Muslims
must accept the framework of the Constitution, not overturn
it.
This approach
implies that Muslim demands must be judged against prior actions
and current practice, and not in the abstract. Context is all-important.
It is thus
fine for the Alsace regional council in France to help
fund the Grand Mosque of Strasbourg, because the same body
also helped pay for renovations to the Strasbourg Cathedral
and the city's Grand Synagogue. It is quite another when the
City of Boston, Mass. sells land
for an Islamic complex at well below the market price, a benefit
unheard of for other religious groups in that city.
Western governments
and other institutions urgently need to signal Muslims that
they must accept being just one religious group of many, and
that aspirations
to dominate will fail. Toward this end, governments need
to enact principled and consistent policies indicating precisely
which Muslim privileges are acceptable, and why. tRO
This
piece first appeared in the New York Sun
copyright
2005 Daniel Pipes
§
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