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They Were Briefed
On "Able Danger”
Congressman rejects 9/11 Commission claim they never heard
of “Able Danger”
[Rep. Curt Weldon] 8/11/05
Below is
a copy of a letter sent by Congressman Curt Weldon to the Former
9/11 Commission members.
August 10,
2005
The Honorable
Thomas H. Kean, Chairman
The Honorable Lee H. Hamilton, Vice Chairman
9/11 Public
Discourse Project
One DuPont Circle, NW
Suite 700
Washington, DC 20036
Dear Chairman Kean and Vice Chairman Hamilton:
I am contacting
you to discuss an important issue that concerns the terrible
events of September 11, 2001, and our country’s efforts
to ensure that such a calamity is never again allowed to occur.
Your bipartisan work on The National Commission on Terrorist
Attacks Upon the United States shed light on much that was
unclear in the minds of the American people regarding what
happened that fateful day, however there appears to be more
to the story than the public has been told. I bring this before
you because of my respect for you both, and for the 9-11 Commission’s
service to America.
Guest Contributor
Curt Weldon
Mr.
Weldon is a Member of Congress representing Pennsylvania. [go
to Guest index] |
Almost
seven years ago, the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal
Year
1999 established the Advisory Panel to Assess
Domestic Response Capabilities for Terrorism Involving Weapons
of Mass Destruction, otherwise known as the Gilmore Commission.
The Gilmore Commission reached many of the same conclusions as
your panel, and in December of 2000 called for the creation of
a “National Office for Combating Terrorism.” I mention
this because prior to 9/11, Congress was aware of many of the
institutional obstacles to preventing a terrorist attack, and
was actively attempting to address them. I know this because
I authored the language establishing the Gilmore Commission.
In the 1990’s, as chairman of the congressional subcommittee
that oversaw research & development for the Department of
Defense, I paid special attention to the activities of the Army’s
Land Information Warfare Activity (LIWA) at Ft. Belvoir. During
that time, I led a bipartisan delegation of Members of Congress
to Vienna, Austria to meet with members of the Russian parliament,
or Duma. Before leaving, I received a brief from the CIA on a
Serbian individual that would be attending the meeting. The CIA
provided me with a single paragraph of information. On the other
hand, representatives of LIWA gave me five pages of far more
in-depth analysis. This was cause for concern, but my debriefing
with the CIA and FBI following the trip was cause for outright
alarm: neither had ever heard of LIWA or the data mining capability
it possessed.
As a result of experiences such as these, I introduced language
into three successive Defense Authorization bills calling for
the creation of an intelligence fusion center which I called
NOAH, or National Operations and Analysis Hub. The NOAH concept
is certainly familiar now, and is one of several recommendations
made by your commission that has a basis in earlier acts of Congress.
Despite my repeated efforts to establish NOAH, the CIA insisted
that it would not be practical. Fortunately, this bureaucratic
intransigence was overcome when Congress and President Bush acted
in 2003 to create the Terrorism Threat Integration Center (now
the National Counterterrorism Center). Unfortunately, it took
the deaths of 3,000 people to bring us to the point where we
could make this happen. Now, I am confident that under the able
leadership of John Negroponte, the days of toleration for intelligence
agencies that refuse to share information with each other are
behind us.
The 9-11 Commission produced a book-length account of its findings,
that the American people might educate themselves on the challenges
facing our national effort to resist and defeat terrorism. Though
under different circumstances, I eventually decided to do the
same. I recently published a book critical of our intelligence
agencies because even after 9/11, they were not getting the message.
After failing to win the bureaucratic battle inside the Beltway,
I decided to take my case to the American people.
In recent
years, a reliable source that I refer to as “Ali” began
providing me with detailed inside information on Iran’s
role in supporting terror and undermining the United States’ global
effort to eradicate it. I have forwarded literally hundreds of
pages of information from Ali to the CIA, FBI, and DIA, as well
as the appropriate congressional oversight committees. The response
from our intelligence agencies has been underwhelming, to put
it mildly. Worse, I have documented occasions where the CIA has
outright lied to me. While the mid-level bureaucrats at Langley
may not be interested in what I have to say, their new boss is.
Porter Goss has all of the information I have gathered, and I
know he is ready to do what it takes to challenge the circle-the-wagons
culture of the CIA. And Pete Hoekstra, the chairman of the House
Intelligence Committee, is energized as well. Director Goss and
Chairman Hoekstra are both outstanding leaders that know each
other well from their work together in the House of Representatives,
and I will continue to strongly support their efforts at reform.
All of this background leads to the reason I am writing to you
today. Yesterday the national news media began in-depth coverage
of a story that is not new. In fact, I have been talking about
it for some time. From 1998 to 2001, Army Intelligence and Special
Operations Command spearheaded an effort called Able Danger that
was intended to map out al Qaeda. According to individuals that
were part of the project, Able Danger identified Mohammed Atta
as a terrorist threat before 9/11. Team members believed that
the Atta cell in Brooklyn should be subject to closer scrutiny,
but somewhere along the food chain of Administration bureaucrats
and lawyers, a decision was made in late 2000 against passing
the information to the FBI. These details are understandably
of great interest to the American people, thus the recent media
frenzy. However I have spoken on this topic for some time, in
the House Armed Services and Homeland Security Committees, on
the floor of the House on June 27, 2005, and at various speaking
engagements.
The impetus for this letter is my extreme disappointment in
the recent, and false, claim of the 9-11 Commission staff that
the Commission was never given access to any information on Able
Danger. The 9-11 Commission staff received not one but two briefings
on Able Danger from former team members, yet did not pursue the
matter. Furthermore, commissioners never returned calls from
a defense intelligence official that had made contact with them
to discuss this issue as a follow on to a previous meeting.
In retrospect,
it appears that my own suggestions to the Commission might
have
directed investigators in the direction of Able Danger,
had they been heeded. I personally reached out to members of
the Commission several times with information on the need for
a national collaborative capability, of which Able Danger was
a prototype. In the context of those discussions, I referenced
LIWA and the work it had been doing prior to 9/11. My chief of
staff physically handed a package containing this information
to one of the commissioners at your Commission’s appearance
on April 13, 2004 in the Hart Senate Office Building. I have
spoken with Governor Kean by phone on this subject, and my office
delivered a package with this information to the 9-11 Commission
staff via courier. When the Commission briefed Congress with
their findings on July 22, 2004, I asked the very first question
in exasperation: “Why didn’t you let Members of Congress
who were involved in these issues testify before, or meet with,
the Commission?”
The 9-11
Commission took a very high-profile role in critiquing intelligence
agencies
that refused to listen to outside information.
The commissioners very publicly expressed their disapproval of
agencies and departments that would not entertain ideas that
did not originate in-house. Therefore it is no small irony that
the Commission would in the end prove to be guilty of the very
same offense when information of potentially critical importance
was brought to its attention. The Commission’s refusal
to investigate Able Danger after being notified of its existence,
and its recent efforts to feign ignorance of the project while
blaming others for supposedly withholding information on it,
brings shame on the commissioners, and is evocative of the worst
tendencies in the federal government that the Commission worked
to expose.
Questions remain to be answered. The first: What lawyers in
the Department of Defense made the decision in late 2000 not
to pass the information from Able Danger to the FBI? And second:
Why did the 9-11 Commission staff not find it necessary to pass
this information to the Commissioners, and why did the 9-11 Commission
staff not request full documentation of Able Danger from the
team member that volunteered the information?
Answering
these questions is the work of the commissioners now, and fear
of tarnishing
the Commission’s legacy cannot be
allowed to override the truth. The American people are counting
on you not to “go native” by succumbing to the very
temptations your Commission was assembled to indict. In the meantime,
I have shared all that I know on this topic with the congressional
committee chairmen that have oversight over the Department of
Defense, the CIA, the FBI, and the rest of our intelligence gathering
and analyzing agencies. You can rest assured that Congress will
share your interest in how it is that this critical information
is only now seeing the light of day.
Sincerely,
CURT WELDON
Member of Congress
cc:
Richard Ben-Veniste
Fred F. Fielding
Jamie S. Gorelick
Slade Gorton
Bob Kerrey
John F. Lehman
Timothy J. Roemer
James R. Thompson
Dennis Hastert
Peter Hoekstra
Frank Wolf
Pat Roberts
Richard Shelby
§
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