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Contributors
Gary M. Galles - Contributor
Mr.
Galles is a professor of economics at Pepperdine University.
[go to Galles index]
Celebrating
the Bill of Rights
Limiting government…
[Gary M. Galles] 9/24/04
On September
25, 1789, Congress transmitted twelve proposed Constitutional
amendments
to state legislatures. Ten became our
Bill of Rights, whose protections from arbitrary government power
we now take for granted. But few remember that our Constitution’s
framers originally opposed a Bill of Rights. It was only the
objections of Antifederalists, who opposed giving too much power
to the federal government, that gave us them.
Opposition
to a Bill of Rights appears in Federalist 84, by Alexander
Hamilton.
He argued that the Constitution effectively
already had one, in its “provisions in favor of particular
privileges and rights [e.g., the right of habeas corpus], which,
in substance amount to the same thing.” Further, “bills
of rights are, in their origin, stipulations between kings and
their subjects...they have no application to constitutions professedly
founded upon the power of the people...Here, in strictness, the
people surrender nothing; and as they retain everything they
have no need of particular reservations.”
Hamilton’s main argument, however, was that “bills
of rights...would contain various exceptions to powers not granted;
and, on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to
claim more than were granted. For why declare that things shall
not be done which there is no power to do? Why, for instance,
should it be said that the liberty of the press shall not be
restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may
be imposed...it would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, a plausible
premise for claiming that power...that the provision against
restraining the liberty of the press afforded a clear implication
that a power to prescribe proper regulations concerning it was
intended...”
Antifederalists, particularly Brutus, disagreed.
Brutus challenged
Hamilton’s logic. “If everything
which is not given [to the federal government] is reserved, what
propriety is there in these exceptions? Does this Constitution
anywhere grant the power of suspending the habeas corpus, to
make ex post facto laws...It certainly does not in express terms...all
the powers which the bills of rights guard against the abuse
of are contained or implied in the general ones granted by this
Constitution... [which] reaches to every thing which concerns
human happiness--life, liberty, and property...the exercise of
power, in this case, should be restrained within proper limits...”
Brutus also
questioned whether “the people surrender nothing” under
the Constitution. “But rulers have the same propensities
as other men; they are as likely to use the power with which
they are vested...to the injury and oppression of those over
whom they are placed...It is therefore as proper that bounds
shall be set to their authority.” Further, “Those
who have governed have been found in all ages ever active to
enlarge their power and abridge the public liberty. This has
induced the people in all countries, where any sense of freedom
remained, to fix barriers against the encroachment of their rulers.”
Brutus therefore
rejected Hamilton's conclusion in favor of “this
grand security of the rights of the people.” Only as much
freedom as necessary “to establish laws for the promoting
of the happiness of the community, and to carry those laws into
effect” had to be given up. “Others are not necessary
to be resigned in order to attain the end for which government
is instituted; these therefore ought not to be given up. To surrender
them, would counteract the very end of government, to wit, the
common good...in forming a government on its true principles,
the foundation should be laid...by expressly reserving to the
people such of their essential rights as are not to be parted
with.”
Hamilton
argued that the federal government could only act where power
had been
expressly granted in the Constitution, so a Bill
of Rights would provide no added protection. Brutus’ responded
that without one, the federal government would overstep its enumerated
powers. Given how far the federal government exceeds those bounds
today, despite the Bill of Rights’ constraints, we should
be thankful Brutus won the debate.CRO
copyright
2004 Gary M. Galles
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