theOneRepublic
national opinion


Monday Column
Carol Platt Liebau

[go to Liebau index]

Latest Column:
Stopping the Meltdown
What Beltway Republicans Need To Do

EMAIL UPDATES
Subscribe to CRO Alerts
Sign up for a weekly notice of CRO content updates.


Jon Fleischman’s
FlashReport
The premier source for
California political news



Michael Ramirez

editorial cartoon
@Investor's
Business
Daily


Do your part to do right by our troops.
They did the right thing for you.
Donate Today



CRO Talk Radio
Contributor Sites
Laura Ingraham

Hugh Hewitt
Eric Hogue
Sharon Hughes
Frank Pastore
[Radio Home]
 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Contributors
Gary M. Galles - Contributor

Mr. Galles is a professor of economics at Pepperdine University. [go to Galles index]


Celebrating the Bill of Rights
Limiting government…
[Gary M. Galles] 9/24/04

On September 25, 1789, Congress transmitted twelve proposed Constitutional amendments to state legislatures. Ten became our Bill of Rights, whose protections from arbitrary government power we now take for granted. But few remember that our Constitution’s framers originally opposed a Bill of Rights. It was only the objections of Antifederalists, who opposed giving too much power to the federal government, that gave us them.

Opposition to a Bill of Rights appears in Federalist 84, by Alexander Hamilton. He argued that the Constitution effectively already had one, in its “provisions in favor of particular privileges and rights [e.g., the right of habeas corpus], which, in substance amount to the same thing.” Further, “bills of rights are, in their origin, stipulations between kings and their subjects...they have no application to constitutions professedly founded upon the power of the people...Here, in strictness, the people surrender nothing; and as they retain everything they have no need of particular reservations.”

Hamilton’s main argument, however, was that “bills of rights...would contain various exceptions to powers not granted; and, on this very account, would afford a colorable pretext to claim more than were granted. For why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do? Why, for instance, should it be said that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when no power is given by which restrictions may be imposed...it would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, a plausible premise for claiming that power...that the provision against restraining the liberty of the press afforded a clear implication that a power to prescribe proper regulations concerning it was intended...”

Antifederalists, particularly Brutus, disagreed.

Brutus challenged Hamilton’s logic. “If everything which is not given [to the federal government] is reserved, what propriety is there in these exceptions? Does this Constitution anywhere grant the power of suspending the habeas corpus, to make ex post facto laws...It certainly does not in express terms...all the powers which the bills of rights guard against the abuse of are contained or implied in the general ones granted by this Constitution... [which] reaches to every thing which concerns human happiness--life, liberty, and property...the exercise of power, in this case, should be restrained within proper limits...”

Brutus also questioned whether “the people surrender nothing” under the Constitution. “But rulers have the same propensities as other men; they are as likely to use the power with which they are vested...to the injury and oppression of those over whom they are placed...It is therefore as proper that bounds shall be set to their authority.” Further, “Those who have governed have been found in all ages ever active to enlarge their power and abridge the public liberty. This has induced the people in all countries, where any sense of freedom remained, to fix barriers against the encroachment of their rulers.”

Brutus therefore rejected Hamilton's conclusion in favor of “this grand security of the rights of the people.” Only as much freedom as necessary “to establish laws for the promoting of the happiness of the community, and to carry those laws into effect” had to be given up. “Others are not necessary to be resigned in order to attain the end for which government is instituted; these therefore ought not to be given up. To surrender them, would counteract the very end of government, to wit, the common good...in forming a government on its true principles, the foundation should be laid...by expressly reserving to the people such of their essential rights as are not to be parted with.”

Hamilton argued that the federal government could only act where power had been expressly granted in the Constitution, so a Bill of Rights would provide no added protection. Brutus’ responded that without one, the federal government would overstep its enumerated powers. Given how far the federal government exceeds those bounds today, despite the Bill of Rights’ constraints, we should be thankful Brutus won the debate.CRO

copyright 2004 Gary M. Galles

§

 

 

freedompass_120x90
Monk
Blue Collar -  120x90
120x90 Jan 06 Brand
Free Trial Static 02
2004_movies_120x90
ActionGear 120*60
VirusScan_120x60
Free Trial Static 01
 
 
 
   
 
Applicable copyrights indicated. All other material copyright 2003-2005 californiarepublic.org